Within the work–family conflict literature, work itself is often defined either as binary (whether a woman is working or not working) ( Sabbath et al., 2015), or is operationalized as a stressor mainly in terms of its impact on family life ( Allen et al., 2000). The second gap concerns the content of work–family measures, in addition to the method of exposure assessment.
#The long dark cheats 1.48 full
In the present study, we address prior deficits by applying sequence analysis, an assessment method that permits incorporation of the full range of information encoded in longitudinal exposure data.
Furthermore, becoming a single mother early in life may carry different risks from becoming a single mother late in life ( Berkman et al., 2015). For example, being a single mother may be a relatively brief transitional state for some women, while for others it is a state encompassing most of their adult years.
Conventional approaches have difficulty making distinctions of either timing or duration of exposure, and resultant exposure misclassification could obscure meaningful public health insights. While influential studies have documented long-term health impacts of combined work and family characteristics ( Lahelma et al., 2002 Martikainen, 1995 Weatherall et al., 1994), exposure to work and family circumstances is measured over a limited time period or age range, despite the underlying complexity and time-varying nature of women’s work and family life over the life course. Several gaps remain in the study of work–family exposures and long-term health outcomes. For instance, maternity benefits reduce incidence of depression for women who had their first children in countries with strong maternity benefits ( Avendano et al., 2015). Work–family conflict may be buffered by social policies and practices as well as informal support. Conflicting demands between work and home have been shown to impact outcomes such as sleep, cardiovascular risk factors, mental health, and health behaviors ( Berkman et al., 2010 Frone, 2000 Greenhaus et al., 2006 Melchior et al., 2007 Roos et al., 2006). This is especially true for working women with children, who often face a “second shift” of work upon returning home ( Frankenhaeuser et al., 1989 Hochschild & Machung, 1989). Conversely, single motherhood is associated with increased risk of poor health in later life ( Berkman et al., 2015 Weitoft et al., 2002).īeyond job strain and single parenthood as separate risk factors, colliding work and family responsibilities may impact short- and long-term health. Consistently married women live longer than those with histories of divorce and widowhood, and mothers live longer than women without children, even after accounting for health selection into motherhood and marriage. On the family side, marriage and parenthood are each protective against long-term morbidity and premature mortality ( Besculides et al., 2010 McMunn et al., 2006 Verbrugge & Madans, 1985). Low job control is hypothesized to impact health through stress arousal pathways, although mechanisms are not fully understood ( Karasek & Theorell, 1992 Schnall et al., 1994). In particular, low control over one’s work time has been associated with several chronic health conditions, including cardiovascular disease, depression, and cognitive impairment ( Andel et al., 2011 Bosma et al., 1998 Sanne et al., 2005 Stansfeld & Candy, 2006). The Karasek demand-control model suggests that high job demands, low job control, and their combination (known as “job strain”) are risk factors for chronic diseases ( Babu et al., 2014 Karasek et al., 1998 Kivimäki et al., 2012). On the work side, certain occupational stressors are associated with increased risk of poor health among those currently or previously employed ( Berkman et al., 2014). Separate bodies of literature have documented the health impact of family circumstances and psychosocial working conditions.
0 kommentar(er)
